Many are describing these acts as a “protest” of the horrific conditions at Virginia’s Red Onion State Prison. That is a mistake. It was a protest when Demetrius Wallace, Kevin “Rashid” Johnson, and 12 other imprisoned people organized a food strike that lasted nearly two weeks for Wallace and 71 days for Rashid. In retaliation, the prison punished Wallace by revoking his right to see friends and had guards threaten, stalk, and harass said friends. Wallace himself was already suffering additional punishment for attempting to use the “proper” channels to defend himself — for daring to bring a lawsuit against guards who had ruthlessly beaten, sprayed, and stomped on him while he was restrained. 

Such are the conditions at the Red Onion prison. Suffering intolerable abuse, beaten away from legal means, and exiled for peaceful protest, men are now setting themselves on fire. These are no longer acts of protest, or even individual defiance. These are calculated acts of desperation. Conditions in the prison are so bad its victims would rather self-immolate and roll the dice that they could be transferred elsewhere than continue their horrific routine. And what happens to those men that are transferred? They are sent right back. Wallace, the self-immolater of late summer, said that when he returned to Red Onion after two weeks in a hospital, his harassment continued, he was thrown in solitary, and his email and phone privileges were still revoked — an ongoing retaliation for his earlier lawsuit. These are just the men we know of. Wallace says five others were at the hospital with him in Richmond, Virginia, where he was being treated for his burns. If this is just the overlap of when he arrived, it’s safe to assume there are many more cases we aren’t allowed to know about. 

There is a widespread myth, one even those sympathetic to the legacy of the Black Panther Party (BPP) fall prey to: that somehow life in prisons has gotten better since the mass struggles to end racial apartheid in the United States. The myth that things have improved for imprisoned people within the vast penal colonies of the United States, in spite of everything we know about the continued abuses of the police state on our streets and in our homes, that their ruthless behavior will have gotten even an iota better behind closed doors and with complete impunity. 

Rashid Johnson describes an atmosphere of extreme paranoia and oppression, where every day prison guards try to pressure and barter Johnson’s fellow abductees into assassinating him. We might as well be describing the 1960’s conditions of the BPP theorist George Jackson, who wrote of having to constantly be prepared to divert a stabbing and wrestle his way out of assassination. Conditions at Red Onion, and, let’s face it, supermax prisons in general, mirror what Huey Newton described with his greatly radicalizing exposure to the U.S. prison colony — lying in a tiny cell with a hole in the middle, slowly filled with his own excrement. Dogs, classically used by fascist police during the Civil Rights era to assault and intimidate protestors, are used in Red Onion. Rashid Johnson describes systematic use of attack dogs to terrorize and brutalize prison populations. 

The imagery of the brutality of the war on U.S. apartheid is alive still, cordoned off behind cement and barbed wire, beyond photography and video. It would be wrong to say, “all that is old is new again,” since for the oppressed and imprisoned, such horrors never ceased. Everyday, hundreds of atrocities that might have sparked the fires of another George Floyd uprising occur, beyond where we can see or hear them, and are then denied by fascists like the head of Virginia’s Department of Corrections, who say that those lighting themselves aflame are ‘manipulative’ and ‘misbehaving’. Here stands naked the depravity of colonial capitalism. To accurately assess the current reality of our so-called republic, we need only turn toward the prisons, and not flinch at what we see, hear, or smell. First you see smoke, then fire. Hundreds of thousands of people are choking on the smoke. 

The Kansas Socialist Book Club (KS-SBC) Organizers thought they knew what they were doing, but after some deep reflection and self-criticism, as well as listening to the criticisms of others, they have come to the conclusion that the old model isn’t working and something must change. In a nutshell, it all boils down to professionalism and amateurish attitudes. 

Every revolutionary movement that has ever succeeded got its chops started as a scattering of Marxist study circles. There is a reason for this! Although practice is essential, it’s also true that as Lenin said “Without a revolutionary theory, there is no revolutionary movement.”

Where the KS-SBC leadership, until now, made an error was in thinking the club’s activities equated it with an organization of the same caliber as the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (Bolshevik), the Korean Down-with-Imperialism Union that grew into the Workers’ Party of Korea, or the study groups that emerged in the wake of the Chinese May Fourth Movement which evolved into the Communist Party of China. The Organizers arrogantly but sincerely believed a revolution would spontaneously emerge from merely getting a bunch of people together into an online-only space and having them read a bunch of scattered texts, with absolutely no rhyme or reason to the curriculum other than “people said that’s what they want to read.” This is flat-out wrong!

This isn’t to downplay the significance or the accomplishments of the KS-SBC thus far. In the heart of GOP-Red Kansas, a strong pro-Palestinian Liberation movement has emerged in multiple cities such as Lawrence and Manhattan. Although there are myriad reasons for this, one cannot discount the ideological lessons in radical thought which have been absorbed by multiple protest leaders who organize this budding and still-evolving international solidarity movement. Particularly our study of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine’s book Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine was one of the most fruitful works that we studied collectively as a group.

An entirely new chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America has emerged as well, led by a steering committee composed entirely of members who’ve attended various lessons of the KS-SBC. Say what you will about DSA, but if a book club is leading people into real-life organizing (however flawed that organizing or organization might be) then it cannot be discounted entirely as a failure. It sure as hell isn’t a success, but it’s definitely not a loss because it is being critically reflected upon, recorded, and shared with the broader public. In that sense what would ordinarily be a failure is dialectically inverted into a success.

People also found our lessons engaging. Clearly the KS-SBC was doing something right because many new people would show up every week, eager to engage with and digest political ideas that normally students pay thousands of dollars to take a semester-long course on. The KS-SBC offered this all for free to the community! If it didn’t have value to it, nobody would have ever shown up.

Yet despite these accomplishments, the situation in Kansas is no better off than it was in 2022 when things got started. And behind the scenes of the book club, a lot of things were going on. Comrade Persephone, the primary instructor, was extremely burnt out and fell off the radar. She was not alone in this. Other organizers came and went who taught lessons, and they all felt the same way: burnt out, exhausted, and not seeing a lot of the fruits of their labor.

Furthermore, the rotting ideological creep of opportunism, eclecticism and tailism still dominate the landscape of the political left in Kansas. This alone, much less the existence of a bourgeois state and the lack of a genuine mass revolutionary movement, are all the proof one needs to see that the Kansas Socialist Book Club in its present form is inadequate to the task at hand. If it is to succeed, a change must certainly be made.

In order to correct these errors and proceed down a revolutionary path, the Organizers of the KS-SBC have identified what we believe are the root causes that led to our stagnation and our atrophy. Thankfully, these errors aren’t lethal and can easily be reversed.

Self-Criticism by the KS-SBC Organizers

1. Lack of Ideological Rigor: The KS-SBC falsely bought into the absurd notion of the so-called “Big Tent.” This is a deceptively destructive idea. On its surface, it makes a lot of sense: diversity is a virtue, and the correct way to persuade someone is winning them over in the battlespace of ideas. This isn’t exactly wrong, to be fair. Diversity of thought is indeed a strength, and we should absolutely seek to persuade those comrades who hold sincere but incorrect views to our side. However, that’s not what the Big Tent approach actually does. Instead of thinking about it in terms of diversity, think about it in terms of chaos. If I’m trying to navigate a large group of people, we all need to have our compass bearings aligned. When we agree to march to the north, we want to first make sure that everyone’s compass is pointing towards the same north. What the Big Tent does is throw everyone’s compass into a frenzy and give everybody their own unique interpretation of what north means. This is unacceptable and wrong. Not only is it wrong, but it’s an active danger to the movement.
   
2. No Reproduction of Organizers: Burnout has been a HUGE issue for the KS-SBC up to this point. Every single individual who took on a leadership role eventually suffered from severe burnout and mental health consequences because they were overworked. The reason for this was because the Organizers were not taking conscious steps to reproduce themselves. The Book Club was successful at drawing many interested comrades into the fold. At the peak of its activity, it wasn’t uncommon to see as many as fifteen people in a weekly session. But that kind of work, on top of parenting, dealing with disabilities, having a full-time job, and making room for self-care and personal hobbies, is a hell of a lot of work to juggle. It’s even worse when there doesn’t seem to be much of a political result. Sure, people would show up. But what happened after? Nobody was being mobilized, nobody was organizing, and it felt like leading a Sunday school more than a revolutionary movement.
   
3. No Offline Analog: Revolutionary movements cannot occur purely online. The internet, for better or worse, is a part of organizing life for so long as the KS-SBC continues to be a book club. At the end of the day, folks have to meet up in person, face to face, and organize offline. The book club was purely online. This was an error plain and simple.
   
4. No Structure: The final nail in the coffin would be a lack of order and structure. For a bunch of self-proclaimed Marxist-Leninists and Marxist-Leninist-Maoists, the Organizers didn’t have any of the democratic centralism, iron discipline, or organizational chops that Marxist-Leninists love to talk about. They were, for lack of a better way to put it, a couple of dudes and one woman who liked to read and talk about books. This amalgamation went a step further and decided to invite a bunch of random people into an online chat room to talk about the books. This in itself is better than nothing. However, a revolutionary organization of disciplined cadre, it is not.

How has the KS-SBC remedied the issue?

To say all of these issues are all solved and remedied would be just as much of an error — albeit a different sort of error — as the ones we were committing. What is happening is that we are attempting to remedy our errors. How are the Organizers correcting their mistakes? The answer is simple, comrades: we drafted bylaws!

The bylaws address every problem laid out above. They impose order and structure on chaos. They lay out an explicit and democratically agreed upon pathway to reproduce cadre. They also impose ideological coherence by requiring all KS-SBC Organizers while still allowing for diversity of thought, robust theoretical disagreement, and comradely debate. Finally, the Organizers are shifting emphasis onto in-person study throughout cities with our Branch system. This is being done while simultaneously preserving our capacity and ability to broadcast lessons online, so that those who cannot meet up in person still have the opportunity to get political education.

Addressing Objections

When bylaws were proposed way back in March 2024, a number of objections were raised by the members. The Organizers would like to take this opportunity to address such concerns.

Many people felt that the Organizers’ attitudes were undemocratic in spirit. To this, skeptical comrades are encouraged to take a gander at the Flint Hills Marxist Study Group page and see how the fine line between ideological rigor and democratic input is balanced. Nobody wants to be assigned homework, but at the same time every member of the server is here to learn. Part of learning means you take direction from people who know the material better than you do: that is to say, the instructors. Anyone who is uncomfortable with that idea is free to leave or simply not attend a lesson. Nobody is forced into affiliation with the Kansas Socialist Book Club, and everyone can vote with their feet if they so choose.

Furthermore, the Organizers recognize that despite the explicit reorientation in a Marxist direction, that they have cultivated a broad “leftist” space in Kansas. The Organizers don’t want to alienate comrades from the KS-SBC, even if they disagree with us by identifying as anarchists or Trotskyists or what not. So to clarify any doubts or misconceptions: nobody is being purged, and nobody is being kicked out. Rather, what’s happening is that the individuals who were already organizing lessons and putting in behind-the-scenes work are asserting boundaries as to what we will and will not teach. Those who put in the work of education ultimately get a say in how they organize and utilize their labor-power. This is one of the foundational beliefs of socialism.

To be explicitly clear: anyone of any left-wing ideology is welcome to utilize our Discord server as a space to conduct their own political education. There’s never been a rule saying comrades can’t use the server to host their own lessons. Anyone is welcome to use the KS-SBC server to discuss broader socialist ideas, even if those ideas aren’t Marxist in nature. Furthermore, comrades are not only welcome but also encouraged to coordinate with one another and meet up face to face to study in person. As long as the content of the lessons is not about preaching national socialism, then anyone is welcome to use the discord space for broadly “leftist” educational purposes.

The long story short is this: We’re not an anarchist book club. We’re explicitly Marxist and we are explicitly Revolutionary.

We welcome anarchist comrades to use our space to teach anarchism if that’s what you want, but don’t expect us to teach it to you. If you feel so strongly about reading Peter Kropotkin, or studying the legacy of the Krontstadt Sailors, then go voluntarily organize your own spontaneous affinity group and Do The Work, comrade! Though the Organizers of the Book Club might not agree with that ideology, they will still support you in this effort by offering the server as a space.

There is no encampment protesting the genocide of Palestinians at Kansas State University (KSU). Some may see this as a failure, but, as I will argue later on, I believe it demonstrates strength and professionalism of the organizers, the KSU chapter of the Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA). The KSU YDSA was assisted by other organizations such as the Flint Hills DSA. However, it was the students who led the way.

The students were very clear in their demands: They demanded President Richard “Dick” Linton to resign from the U.S.-Israel Agricultural Co-Operative, for transparency in all investments of the KSU Alumni fund since its formation in 2014, and for that fund to completely and unconditionally divest from all “israeli” capital immediately.

This report takes the format of an After Action Review, or AAR, a methodology borrowed from the United States army. An AAR is a standardized methodology for conducting report-backs. It consists of answering four simple questions:

1. What was supposed to happen?
2. What actually happened?
3. What can be sustained?
4. What can be improved?

I encourage all comrades to study this methodology and replicate it in your own organizations, because it works. You may doubt me on this point. I’d simply retort that, so far, the feds have kicked our asses, so why wouldn’t we borrow effective techniques from the winners?

A final note: I wish to be abundantly clear that although I am a member of the Flint Hills DSA, I am not a KSU YDSA member. I speak here in my own capacity and not as a representative of any group. The KSU YDSA were the organizers of this event and all credit belongs to them.

The author of this report-back giving her speech in which she argues that the United States is an illegitimate government that should be subjected to subversive actions, and that this is the greatest form of solidarity the American people can have with Palestine.

To be clear: I am proud of the work we did, even if it wasn’t as dramatic as other encampments. Drama and flair are not always good. Though I would not at all classify it as boring, I would classify it as lacking in notoriety. Part of what makes an encampment appealing is that it makes for an attention grabbing headline. Students, particularly younger ones with less wisdom and organizing experience, tend to fill in the missing gaps with romanticized and idealistic notions.

Many organizers (and this problem is not at all limited only to students) think that the most important aspect of a protest is the spectacle of it. They also commit adventurist errors such as thinking arrests are a sign of commitment to the movement, rather than a hindrance. These muddied and erroneous thought patterns are remedied in one of two ways: through a careful study of theory and analyses (such as this article), or through battle scars won in struggle. When possible, it is always better to learn such lessons from the mistakes of others rather than from oneself.

Such romanticized, idealistic, and liberal notions of protest were thankfully absent from the KSU YDSA and their planning process. Seasoned community organizers were able to share our experiences collectively of arrests, police brutality, misguided ideals, and, ultimately, of failure. The students wisely listened and learned from our mistakes, and, as a result, none of them were repeated. This is commendable.

Nobody was arrested to my knowledge, and I was on standby to bail folks out of jail. The potential for fights was absolutely there, but not a single one broke out (not due to a lack of trying on the enemy’s part). Our formation defused tense situations with professionalism and ensured the safety of all participants from both law enforcement and their fascist goons.

With that said, I do have some advice to offer the students. I will remain constructive but will not hold back — just know this is in no way to denigrate the efforts of the student organizers, who did an amazing job. This is out of love for communism and a desire to end the genocide of Palestinians.

What Was Supposed to Happen?

This forms the base of my criticism. It is not clear what exactly was supposed to happen. We spoke of encampments and vacillated between the idea of establishing one or remaining mobile, but no plan was made clear until five minutes before the event. Various comments were floated, but there was never a single clear decision point made by the group. I will elaborate more upon this in the “What Can Be Improved?” section.

What I can say with confidence is that the organizers intended that the demonstration would last for an indefinite amount of time. The purpose of this event was also clear: the intent was to criticize President Richard “Dick” Linton for his presidency of the U.S. Israel Agricultural Co-Operative and demand his resignation. A bold demand for complete divestment was also made.

The demands of the KSU YDSA, in their own words, presented to University administration

What actually happened?

Planning

What actually happened was as follows: we started with a week’s worth of planning led by Cde. Nick in the KSU YDSA as well as with backup from the community. Cde. Nick is the public face of the protests, and his identity is publicly known to the university administration, so I will use it with his consent. I also use my name because I was a public speaker.

Planning sessions were lively and involved a broad array of both students and community members. Relations were cordial between the two, and I feel as though there was strong integration and respect. Although community members (such as myself, among others) did take on leadership roles, I personally believe that all of us were cognizant of the fact that we are subordinate to the students, and that we are members of their movement in a supporting role. I genuinely do not believe any community member ever tried to co-opt or commandeer the student movement. Even when community members disagreed with the students’ decisions, they still respected them and executed accordingly. In other words — there was good order and discipline. The errors of commandism and tailism were avoided.

Commandism and Tailism

Commandism is an error which occurs when Communists try to dictate to the people what they must do without properly consulting them or seeking democratic input from them. It represents a “left” deviation because it is a manifestation of the Communists being ideologically too far ahead of the masses. A commandist could very well have the correct political idea and the correct line, but, without buy-in from the people, and without their consent to Communist leadership, none of that matters.

In this context, commandism would look like me barging into a student movement and immediately giving orders to the students, telling them what to do, changing all of their slogans without consulting them, and generally acting like a dictator. What’s important to note is that commandism is not offering guidance or criticisms — all Communists have a duty to criticize and to advocate for the revolutionary line in every situation. However, the key word here is “advocate.” As Communists, we must be cognizant of when we are guests in someone else’s space and know when it’s time to lead versus when it’s time to only lend our support. A student-led protest is definitely a time when Communists should be following the lead of others. However, that does not mean that Communists shouldn’t offer information and advance a radical line.

The opposing error to commandism is tailism. If commandism represents the “left” deviation of being too far ahead of the masses, then tailism is a right deviation that represents lagging behind the masses. Commandism represents seeking no input from the masses; tailism represents letting the masses determine our political line irrespective of the masses’ level of consciousness and development.

Going to the masses to ask what their views are is correct and good. However, the masses are not a mystical entity. They are a group of people to which the reader and the author both belong. The masses contain multitudes of opinions ranging from fascism, through centrism, liberalism, and to social democracy, to communism. The average character of the masses’ politics will depend on the overall level of class consciousness and political education among its members. The Red Clarion offers a fantastic schema that explains this idea in greater detail.

So, in the context of rural Kansas, the masses can be said to firmly oppose genocide as the average level of political development. This is positive, encouraging, and correct. However, it is not true that the average worker in rural Kansas supports full-on liberation of Palestine. They do not support Hamas, PFLP, DFLP, PIJ, and other armed resistance groups. In fact, they are likely to accept uncritically the label of such groups as “terrorists,” and are more concerned with the cessation of only the most extreme forms of brutality, as opposed to ending the ongoing process of settler colonialism. The masses are starting to grasp at the correct idea, as they’ve clearly and righteously broken through the bourgeois propaganda which tries to justify genocide. However, there is still ideological work to be done — clearly liberalism still lingers though it is being steadily eroded away.

In this context, tailism might look like saying “Well, we don’t want to alienate people by endorsing Hamas or even armed resistance. We really want popular support, so we should keep this toned down. We don’t want to look like terrorists. Besides, people in Kansas don’t really give a shit about national liberation struggles in the Middle East. Let’s just tone it down and keep it reasonable.” Although there is clear concern here for peoples’ opinions, this concern is one of appearances and marketing, rather than a true two-way consultation which would inform organizers while sharpening the masses’ collective consciousness. The logic of tailism is not of deep respect for the people, but of deception and condescending refusal to challenge errors which evidently stand between the people and their own liberation.

Tailism can also take a more insidious form revolving around identity politics. Tailism might point to a Palestinian-led liberal organization such as Al-Haddaf K.C. and highlight the fact that Palestinian diaspora members lead this organization as evidence that we should follow their lead since this is a Palestinian issue, in spite of their liberalism. While it is always a good thing for Communists, especially white ones such as myself, to be cognizant of racial and other social dynamics at play in our organizing, what this amounts to is actually hiding behind whiteness to defend oneself from the vulnerability associated with taking a political stance.

Members of a diaspora community, like members of any community, have all sorts of opinions. There are liberal Palestinians, conservative Palestinians, nationalist Palestinians, Communist Palestinians, radical Palestinians and reformist Palestinians. Palestinians suffer from a unique and particularly egregious form of national oppression and settler colonialism which gives them a unique outlook. However, at the end of the day, they are just people, like anyone else. People have all sorts of views; some extremely backwards, some very advanced, and most falling in the middle. To assume that someone’s ethnicity automatically gives them a correct opinion would amount to a kind of tokenism and racism.

As stated before, I feel this group did a fantastic job at maintaining the correct ideological stance. Neither the mentioned tailist nor commandist errors were committed. The KSU YDSA deserves recognition for balancing this incredibly difficult line.

Planning Continued

Students were thorough and meticulous in their planning methodologies. They engaged in what I would consider a quasi-militaristic planning process — and I mean that in a good way! They considered organizational, physical, and material factors in their planning. For example, comrades wisely paid close attention to the weather. A big storm was brewing in the area, and there was a lively debate on how to handle that. The students ultimately decided “Rain or Shine, For Palestine!” even though the storm didn’t materialize until later that night. I commend the student-organizers for their attention to detail and consideration of factors that more novice and inexperienced folks might overlook.

Community members, in turn, heard the concerns of the students and supplemented them with supplies. For example, when I personally heard about the weather, I offered to drive to a local sporting goods store and purchase twenty ponchos for the core organizers to stay dry during the rain. I also purchased two cases of bottled water, knowing that folks often get dehydrated and forget to bring their own hydration sources. Because of my status as a labor aristocrat, I was able to peel away from work for an hour in the middle of the day to accomplish this task. Other community members, while they didn’t necessarily have that privilege, were able to contribute however much they could afford. In that way, the community listened to the organizers and took their lead. We pitched in with resources at their direction. The end result was a well-oiled risk mitigation machine. This is a methodology I strongly advise all other encampments to reproduce.

The Event

During the event, Cde. Nick gave a good speech arguing for full and explicit Palestinian liberation, praising the Intifada and affirming the right of Palestinians to resist their occupation — undoubtedly the correct ideological line. 

I gave a speech arguing that people must sabotage their workplaces, agitate among coworkers, and foster a general attitude of contempt towards the United States as the leader of imperial violence. My goal was to build support and consciousness of the need to overthrow the government as the best possible way that Americans can help Palestinians.

A Jewish student and scholar of the Torah gave a speech about the relationship (or lack thereof) between Judaism and zionism. He argued that zionism is not Judaism, and that Jewish values stand in firm opposition to the colonial brutality of zionist occupation. This anonymous comrade also affirmed the right of Palestinians to resist their occupation in no uncertain terms.

These explicitly political speeches were rounded out by other students coming forth to read poetry by Palestinian writers such as Mahmoud Darwish and Refaat Alareer.

At points, the event did show some signs of disorganization. Upon returning to the site of the speeches after a short break, I found folks had abandoned it. In the process of abandonment, they left behind a lot of litter. They also left behind the Bluetooth speaker used to give speeches. Given the heightened state of repression against Palestine organizers, I immediately began picking up the litter and cleaning up the mess by myself out of a desire to protect the students. Not only was this a simple step to avoid giving the administration more ammunition, it was simply the right thing to do ethically. All Communists should take care to leave a community space better than they found it after hosting a demonstration of this nature. After cleaning up and securing the equipment, I texted the organizers to ask for assistance, yet nobody responded until forty-five minutes later. It was a student attendee who happened to read our group chat, not a core organizer, who volunteered to help me transport and secure the goods. 

When I arrived at the new site of protest, on the corner of Bluemont and North Manhattan on the university property, I noticed a large crowd of about fifty to one hundred people. This crowd was diverse relative to the Manhattan baseline in terms of its racial composition and its age spread;it had student and community representation, and there were young children in addition to elders present. This is a reflection that our demonstration was doing something correctly. There were no phony and artificial divides here. One for all and all for one!

This may sound small for those in an urban environment, but to get ten people to show up in rural Kansas is a success, much less one hundred! Given the circumstances this turnout was impressive. Our last rally only netted forty at the most.

Zionist Agitators

After standing on the corner and waving signs and banners for an hour, the group decided to march to President Dick Linton’s house to set up an encampment on his lawn. This formation was eagerly tailed by both police as well as fascists. The police kept back at a distance and monitored things. They seemed to be actively coordinating with one another. However, I wanted to keep my distance for safety purposes, so I didn’t investigate further.

The fascists on the other hand, were all too eager to approach us. A group of six zionazi agitators from the Young Americans for Freedom student organization tailed our formation. They were evenly split between men and women, and all of them were white and seemed to be of a petit-bourgeois background, based on what students told me. The leaders of the group had a look in their eyes like that of a shark hungry for blood. It was clear to myself and other community members that they represented a threat that needed to be dealt with.

Given the large police presence, using violence was not an option. That would have constituted the error of adventurism, and would have given law enforcement the opportunity they so desperately craved to crack down on us violently. But it would have been a grave mistake to let the fascists simply pass us by just because their police handlers stood by in reserve.

Thankfully, my comrades had a clever scheme ready to use. A group of four of us, all queer individuals, three of whom are transgender, decided to confront the fascists with an interesting technique. This particular YAF group is famous for “just wanting to debate,” and so we indulged that desire!

Many comrades correctly caution against debating fascists. In this instance, we feel that it was actually the correct choice to engage them in debate. Firstly, none of us had any illusions that we were going to change their views. That was not our point of debating them; our intent was to use the debate as a stalling tactic. Fascists are often white egotists who love the sound of their own voice almost as much as they love the taste of a policeman’s leather boot. So, we used our womanly and nonbinary charms to let their egos feast.

The reason debating fascists is usually bad is because it gives them an audience to manipulate. However, in this case, by debating the fascists we actually denied them an audience. The only people around to hear our “debate” were the police, who had already made up their minds by virtue of wearing that uniform. Furthermore, we were able to stall and delay them by over an hour which gave the students ample time to set up their encampment without having to fend off violence by Nazi sympathizers. And because debates are completely legal, the police simply sat on the sidelines and watched.

No one was arrested. Nobody had to go to the hospital. The group remained safe as they set up their encampments. The police had to bog down their available manpower and resources to keep an eye on us and the fascists. The fascists were unable to find the encampment. Overall, I consider this a success.

Eventually we tired of this debate, and some comrades were starting to feel unsafe upon observing the fascists body language and aggressive posturing. This is entirely reasonable since our group was composed entirely of gender minorities. So, we decided, after over an hour of delay, to leave. Of course, we were trailed by the Hitlerites, but, by using techniques I learned in the army, we were able to lose them inside of the student union. That was the last anyone saw of them that evening. 

Encampment

I had to leave soon after dropping the fascists, but, from what I heard, the encampment was overall a failure. Only twelve students actually stood around the whole night, and the police swiftly broke up the encampment. Thankfully, no arrests were made. However, peoples’ tents were confiscated and the students were driven away by the police and warned that if they came back they’d be arrested and charged with trespassing. That dampened folks’ spirits enough, and sadly put an end to the K-State occupation of 2024.

What Can Be Sustained?

• Bonds between students and community. This model has continued on in our organizing, and it is one of the main reasons I credit the success of the YDSA and their efforts. Despite this close bond, it was clear to all parties that the students lead the effort and that the community was to play a supporting role.
• Planning for contingencies. In particular, considering the second-order effects of the weather and how it might affect attendance, planning for various contingencies, looking into the needs of the people such as hydration and snacks, and novel de-escalation techniques for dealing with fascists can all be sustained and even replicated by other Communists.
• De-Escalation Tactics. Nobody got hurt, the fascists never caught up, and police made no arrests. The fascists didn’t achieve their goals. I call that a win in the strongest of terms.
• Radical and principled messages. Despite the pressures from liberals and university administration, the YDSA remained steadfast in their unconditional support for explicit Palestinian liberation on Palestinian terms. They did not shy away from proclaiming support for armed resistance. Furthermore, they allowed radical speakers to give speeches that call into question the legitimacy of the American Empire.
• Political Education. Many of the organizers had attended various sessions of the Kansas Socialist Book Club’s series on the PFLP’s Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine, which I credit for the radical messaging. Because the KS-SBC helped educate these organizers and students, they had a solid understanding of the theoretical basis of Palestinian liberation. This prepared them well for organizing this event.
• Clear, radical demands. There was no wishy-washiness and no beating around the bush with the group’s demands. They were bold, uncompromising, and radical. They were also specific, achievable, and impactful. They neither gave into liberalism nor bolster reformist illusions, and they were very politically relevant. These goals reflected a great deal of thoughtfulness and careful research from the students.

What Can Be Improved?

• The overall desired method of the protest was not at all clear. Did we want an encampment, or did we want to simply have one night of protest? This decision was never made clear. To improve this moving forward, organizers must ensure that a democratic decision is made one way or the other. Should changes be made once the original decision is arrived upon, then those changes must similarly be made in a democratic fashion and published clearly for the entire group to know.
• Undemocratic leadership. I commend Comrade Nick for his overall organization and skills as a leader. However, I did notice that he seemed to be exclusively running the show and that he didn’t seek much input from other students. This caused him a great deal of mental fatigue and stress, which we’ve discussed in individual conversations for hours since this event. As a result, I believe most errors of this can be traced back to the “Charismatic Great Man” style of leadership. It is a positive trait to be bold and ambitious! However, you’ll burn through yourself like dry prairie grass if you don’t let others take over some functions.
• Lack of operational considerations. A question I found myself asking was “How do any of these tactical considerations contribute to the strategic goals of boycott, divestment, and sanctions?” It seems like the group came up with the demands, and then the protest was something that happened because it was what everyone else was doing. But I did not see much discussion or linkage between the protest itself and how that contributes to achieving the demands.
• Unclear chain of command. There was no delegation of duties as far as I could tell. It was unclear who the point person was for each particular task. The only exception to this would be for the delegation of a media spokesperson, and the group handled this very well because everyone knew where to send all media questions. However, there were no other committees or chairpeople for important tasks. Everything was done on an ad-hoc basis, creating delays, stress, and confusion. So, moving forward, the group needs to democratically convene and decide on what positions are important, and appoint individuals to chair those commissions. The Red Clarion has a great example of a template for committees that can be used in the future for these kinds of protests.
• The encampment itself. Ultimately, a small faction of students decided to attempt an encampment setup. I believe, in retrospect, this proved to be incorrect. Thankfully, by the grace of God herself, no one was arrested or harmed. However, this presented an unnecessary risk. If the group had less luck, then we would be singing a different song right now. There were no supply lines, no chain of command, no structure or organizational capacity,  and no means to guard and secure the encampment. It seems to me that this decision was a foolishly impulsive one; participants wanted to camp out because that’s what other campuses were doing. While I can personally relate to the fear of missing out, it has no room in professional organizing.

Beyond approving the funding, the vote actually doubled the public cost of the project due to a little reported unlimited leaseback agreement with the Atlanta Police Foundation. The city is leasing the 85-acre plot of the Weelaunee Forest to the APF for about $10 a year, and councilors voted to lease it back for access to the training facility for $1.2 million per year for the next 30 years (about $36 million total). This flies in the face of the nearly two year Stop Cop City movement; it also ignores  the many commentators who pleaded with the councilors to redirect this funding toward Atlanta’s marginalized populations, the major housing problem, and to help the 20% of the city’s children and 14% of adults who face daily hunger.

In the city council’s previous election, there was a major turnover, largely due to the rejection of harmful policing policies after the murder of George Floyd and Atlanta resident Rayshard Brooks, bringing in seven new officials. The new city council was touted to be younger and more “ideologically progressive” than previous iterations. But the vote tally in favor of doubling funding for Cop City was 11-4, with eight of the eleven being Democrats. Once again, the fascist ideology of capitalism has held firm thanks to its stabilizing left wing, the Democratic Party. In a struggle with the far right for dominance in government, they have eagerly served the interests of the ruling class, despite their hollow words.

One of these new councilors, Byron Amos, has been fueled by developers and airport concessionaires throughout his political career. Another younger member, Matt Westmoreland, who has served since 2018, used his post as the Chairperson of the Community Development/Human Services Committee to cut time for public comment in half. He has also come under scrutiny for violations of the Open Meetings Act, which requires details of all votes to be recorded. In one meeting, Westmoreland appears to have falsified the votes of his colleagues in order to discuss legislation in a private, executive session. In a video, nobody, not even Westmoreland himself, was recorded voting on the motion before it was approved.

The true purpose of these offices — to serve the interests of the ruling class — is illustrated by Councilor Westmoreland’s former Chief of Staff, Wayne Martin, who came under investigation for conflicts of interest in 2019. The staffer became an employee of Comcast a few months after leaving his government post, which is a clear violation of Georgia law. According to the ethics complaint which triggered the investigation, his employment was a reward for helping the company secure another seven year franchise agreement with the city. While working for Comcast, Martin twice addressed the council, and personally lobbied them during the debate about the Comcast Franchise Agreement. He used his relationships and knowledge about the council process to secure the contract with a unanimous vote. Although Martin was careless enough to get caught, his is not the only example of the city government’s service to capital.

The City Council has awarded many lucrative contracts to corporations in the name of improving public safety with little evidence to prove that these new investments actually deter or prevent crime. One of these initiatives, One Atlanta – Light Up the Night, expands the city’s network of streetlights in areas with higher crime rates and traffic accidents. Georgia Power has installed 10,000 new LED street lights with multi-node capabilities, meaning that many of these lights are equipped or can be equipped with two cameras, microphones, A.I. filtering technology, and 5G capabilities. The partnership combines technology from GE, Genetec, AT&T, and CivicSmart that allows for detection of illegal parking, surveillance of the street and sidewalks, and uses ShotSpotter, which is an audio detection technology that alerts police to loud sounds that may be gunshots, and has a track record of being used to violently target Black and Latino communities.  In Chicago, it was a ShotSpotter alert that deployed police to Little Village, a majority Latino neighborhood, who then chased down and murdered 13-year old Adam Toledo. There, researchers at Northwestern University MacArthur Justice Center found that at least 90% of ShotSpotter alerts yield no evidence of an actual gunshot, meaning that system produces dangerous, racist over-policing.

Georgia Power has also gotten a contract with the city through APF’s Operation Shield, selling them surveillance and license plate reading technology. Operation Shield has made Atlanta the most surveilled city in the U.S. Empire. The license plate reading tech is made by FlockSafety, whose products are now being used across the empire after being tested in Atlanta. Georgia Power and Flock Safety are both donors to the APF.

Corporations not only get contracts through the APF, but this foundation, like all other police foundations, are a means for private direction and guidance of municipal police forces. The police are molded to more effectively serve powerful interests. The over-policing of the U.S. Empire’s nationally oppressed communities, like Atlanta’s historically Black neighborhoods, goes hand in hand with their accelerating gentrification. This results in increased police murders and terror, which has led to many uprisings across the empire this past decade. The state is building Cop City in response to these uprisings; it was first proposed in 2017 and approved shortly after the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests. In this training ground for domestic occupation, as Kwame Olufemi of Community Movement Builders in Atlanta puts it:

They [will be] practicing how to make sure poor and working class people stay in line. So when the police kill us in the streets again, like they did to Rayshard Brooks in 2020, they can control our protests and community response to how they continually murder our people.

The council’s vote comes not out of dismissal of the empire-wide movement against racist police terror, but because of it. Fear is growing in the hearts of the capitalists, as can be seen with the staggering $28.1 million in revenue the APF had in 2021, triple the amount from the year before. This is higher than the New York City Police Foundation, and with a population 6% of its size. As cities across the empire double down on escalating police violence, a pattern seems to emerge: an endless barrage of police terrorism and murders that will inevitably result in more uprisings. This is a self-fulfilling prophecy that increases the already egregious funding and militarization of the police, and siphons more public funds to megacorporations.

Organizing a workplace in rural Virginia isn’t easy. Some may say it isn’t worth the time and energy; dig a little deeper and the truth will emerge. Virginia is for unions.

Anyone that has worked in a distribution center in Weyers Cave, an apple processing plant in Mount Jackson, or a superstore in Christiansburg knows that if ever there was a place ready for unionization, it’s here. Since the introduction of the institution of capitalism in the early settler-Republic, the western part of Virginia has been used and abused for its resources and labor. Capitalist cartels like Blackrock, Vanguard, and the governor’s own Carlyle Group turn screwing workers into a sport — and the winners are whoever can crush more people while, of course, their profit margins grow.

It’s easy to accept the economic assaults on our communities as inevitable. There’s no shortage of stories in the media that detail the impacts of decline and treat the south, by and large, as a wasteland of backward ideas. But is that true? Is the American South merely some benighted, agricultural and coal hinterland? Or is that the story the capitalists need to sell to keep us divided and complacent? Under the surface, away from the prying eyes of CNN and Vice producers, there’s a different story. A story about workers; a story about bosses.

Today, workers refuse to accept the “right to work” lies. As recently as the 2020 Legislative session, the ruling Democrats in the State Senate broadcast a message via legislation that unions will never work in Virginia. These Democrats had no issue with blocking bills that would have removed the current prohibition on state worker collective bargaining and outright refused to hear discussion on the elimination of one of the most punitive “right to work” laws in the nation. While those same Democrats allowed a bill to pass that would give local governments the authority to vote on whether or not their employees can engage in collective bargaining, limiting the scope to local government workers while leaving over 100,000 state workers behind sends a signal that workers rights are not a priority even for those who consider themselves to be the most “progressive” elements of the capitalist regime.

Today, unions nationwide are seeing a revival of popular support and organizing energy, with the rank-and file leading the charge. Workers have developed strong and growing organizations like the Amazon Labor Union and Starbucks Workers Unite. Labor is recovering from the long winter, stretching and ready to fight.

The relationship between organized labor and the left has been strained since the days of Samuel Gompers’ (Founder of the American Federation of Labor) and (first President of the AFL-CIO) George Meany’s “business unionism”.  Business unionism was developed as a major component of the growing wave of anti-Communism stretching across the United States, exhibiting unions deference to the capitalist system. Meany once confronted non-union workers by saying “we didn’t want the people…; we merely wanted the work. So far as the people on the work were concerned, for our part they could drop dead.” Although communists once played a major role in labor organizing, years of red scare campaigns have often left Communist organizations at odds with unions. According to Fletcher and Gapasin in their book Solidarity Divided, the AFL-CIO barred Communists from the membership and (with U.S. government funds), developed anti-Communist institutes to train unionists on the supposed benefits of “free-trade”. AFL-CIO institutes like the American Institute for Free Labor Development would become players in the efforts to overthrow the democratically elected governments of Guyana in 1964 and Chile in 1973. Although labor federations like the AFL-CIO have begun to reverse their outright anti-Communist messaging of the 20th century, the U.S. labor movement is a far cry from the days of Eugene V. Debs and Mother Jones. Given the growing assault on workers in the United States by capitalist oligarchs and private equity, a rapprochement between the left and organized labor has become a necessity — but a necessity on Communist terms.

Unions have seen a sharp decline in total membership, shedding 712,000 rank-and-file members since 2010 according to Radish Research. In spite of a multi-billion dollar war chest, many unions are still embracing fortress unionism and failing to invest in actual organizing and organizers. From the Communist left, a lack of a coherent workers party shows that the current state of worker organizing needs a new approach. Unions are the school of Communism; it is through organizing labor into effective forms that can withstand the pressure of the capitalist bosses that we learn how to defend ourselves. Without the Communists’ presence in the unions, they will return to “business unionism.”

Organizing isn’t easy. Even figuring out where to begin is a stumbling block for many. While many approaches have been tried, the most successful ones are based on structures that have been developed scientifically. The organizing methods developed by the Drug, Hospital, and Health Care Employees Union —District 1199 — have been studied extensively by labor theoreticians like Jane McAlevy. 1199 grew from a niche union local to one of the most powerful unions to walk the picket lines during the American Civil Rights era. The lessons they left behind are applicable now more than ever.

United Campus Workers of Virginia uses the 1199/McAlevy model to train members on how to organize. UCWVA is a rank-and-file union meaning that the union members themselves are the ones doing the hard work to organize. Union members lead organizer training sessions on a regular basis so that all members have an understanding of what it takes to win fights against the boss. They place an emphasis on this training and education so that all members have the tools needed not only to grow the union but make it sustainable.

The methods used by the United Campus Workers of Virginia, while highly effective for labor organizing, can be applied to organizing broad sections of the working class outside of an industrial context.

The Shenandoah Socialist Collective, based in Harrisonburg, Virginia, has begun experimenting with this model in their efforts to organize houseless community members. SSC operates a free breakfast program that feeds approximately 50 unhoused community members twice weekly. These meals are meant to meet some of the most basic needs of the community while offering opportunities for SSC organizers to understand their community’s needs, wants, and political goals. 

Although SSC’s experiment with the 1199 method is in its early stages, positive developments have been made in efforts to organize houseless residents in their fight for shelter. Recently, UCWVA members invited Shenandoah Socialist Collective to participate in a training session on how to use Structured Organizing Conversations (SOC’s) to find out people’s needs and build solidarity with them. SOC’s allow organizers to approach a conversation with someone methodically, keeping a goal in mind while focusing on listening to someone’s story.

Jane McAlevy states that an SOC should be 70% listening and 30% talking. It encourages us to hear stories and respond to them in a way that agitates people without focusing on anger. Agitation in the conversation then moves to inspiration by having the person leading the conversation put forward a grounded vision for change. This allows people to see that despite the issues in front of them, solutions exist and those solutions can be achieved with their involvement. This grants the opportunity to make a hard ask of someone. Whether they are being asked to join a labor union or to contribute their labor to a Red Aid program, the SOC conditions us to ask people a direct question; a question that respects their agency to make the right decision for themselves.

The event was well attended and allowed SSC members the opportunity to see how the lessons learned through labor could be applied to organizing in a socialist context. As a nod to their comrades, the UCW members added training scenarios that would be applicable to SSC’s body of work, particularly around issues impacting the unhoused. This training will aid SSC in their efforts to organize Unhoused Councils that will work to address community needs proactively, rather than relying on reactive campaigns that have happened in the past with limited success.

It has always been and will always be essential for Communists to organize the masses. However, the task of organizing doesn’t need to reinvent the wheel everytime a new campaign is begun. Through relationships of solidarity and skill sharing, the task of organizing the working class becomes more tangible and realistic. When we apply the lessons of 1199 to the theories we learn as communists, we can put time-tested organizing tactics to the test. These tactics prioritize scientific organizing and encourage organizers to listen more to the stories of the working class. They help us keep our organizing work sustainable and grounded so that more workers join to carry the workload together. They help us to teach the working class that the victories ahead can only be won through their own labor. If we can use the lessons of the past to influence our future, a better world is sure to be on the horizon.