On Saturday, July 18, 2026, so-called New York City (occupied Lenapehoking)’s incumbent mayor Zohran Mamdani was interviewed on a New York Times podcast and was pressed on his campaign promise to arrest Benjamin Netanyahu, as what seems to be the perfect opportunity had arisen: Netanyahu’s plans to attend the United Nations General Assembly in NYC in September 2026. Mamdani answered the interviewer’s pointed questions while staying cool, calm, and collected. “Whatever the law allows me to do in New York City, that’s what we will do,” Mamdani said.¹ “But we won’t be writing our own laws to that end.”

Then, on July 21, the NYC mayoral office released a two minute video of Mamdani, assumed to be following his team’s work and research of trying to see if arresting Netanyahu is possible. The answer was a defeated negative. The video looks like any other state sanctioned statement, including Mamdani’s usual self-assured, confident composure, sitting in front of the all-but-blood-soaked u.s. flag. A transcript of the short press release is provided below:

Benjamin Netanyahu is a war criminal, the architect of a horrific genocide against the Palestinian people. He is responsible for the killing of more than 73,000 people, for the maiming of tens of thousands of children as those who survive undergo amputation without anesthesia. For the targeting of neonatal hospitals and maternity care centers, denying newborns even the chance to live. For the countless people he starved as he blocked food and humanitarian aid from reaching them. For the gunning down of hundreds of aid workers and journalists.

And just last month, the UN confirmed that Palestinian children continue to be deliberately targeted and killed by Israeli armed forces, more than eight months after the so-called ceasefire. The list goes on and on. All as we, as Americans, pay for the bombs that do the killing. There is a reason the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for his arrest. As human beings, we have spent generations building a shared understanding that there are crimes so grave they offend all of humanity. Anyone with their eyes, with their heart, with their conscience, should recognize the devastation he has wrought and understand that he belongs before a court of law.

As I’ve said, I agree with the ICC that Benjamin Netanyahu should be arrested and tried for his crimes, as I do for anyone else charged by the ICC. My administration has reviewed every avenue available under applicable law to determine whether New York City could execute the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant if Benjamin Netanyahu came here. It is clear that we do not have the independent legal authority to enforce this warrant.

The federal government, however, does— and I call on them to join the ICC and execute this warrant.

And I want to be equally clear: Benjamin Netanyahu is not welcome in New York City, nor is any other war criminal at large. While we cannot end the genocide on our own, we can decide whether our silence will become another weapon, and we can examine every tool we have to defend the humanity and dignity of all people. That is my commitment to you.²

In his typical fashion, Mamdani strategically uses rhetoric that seems progressive and promising while offering no material solutions. Taking Mamdani at his own word, assuming that yes, his legal team (which is definitely not just a collection of starry-eyed 22-year-old NYU Law interns) explored every avenue possible to see if they could arrest Netanyahu, it should be no surprise that the laws of NYC, the largest city in The Most Successful Genocidal Settler Project In Human History does not allow for the arrest of the PM of israel.

It should come as even less of a shock, but with no less disgust, that Mamdani had no problem ordering of the arrest of over 100 protestors by settler Gestapo (NYPD) during Netanyahu’s speeches at the U.N. General Assembly on September 25, 2026.³ Not only did he not arrest Netanyahu, but rather, he stuck the NYPD on Pro-Palestinian protestors who were chanting some of the exact same taglines that Mamdani himself used in his July statement. All while allowing the NYPD to provide elite protection to Netanyahu, and slyly discouraging protesters in NYC.⁴

So that we may be sure just exactly where he stands on the Palestine question, just five days later, Mamdani took to socials again,⁵ unveiling his “new strategy against Antisemitism,”⁶ citing the NYPD that Antisemitism specifically accounts for over half of all “confirmed hate crimes”⁷ (NYPD decides what is and isn’t a hate crime, of course) in New York City. The plan includes increasing “hate crime prevention” funding by $26 million (guess who handles hate crime reporting and statistics – NYPD) and the revitalization of what’s called the “Interagency Security Infrastructure Working Group” which increases partnerships with the NYPD and other city commissions such as the City Commission on Human Rights and NYC Public Schools specifically for the increase of technology surveillance to “identify threats and protect Jewish New Yorkers before a hate crime occurs.”

As a member of the All Empire Workers’ League (AEWL) and an affiliate of USU, my comrades and I are not surprised by Mamdani’s choice not to arrest Netanyahu (among many other campaign promises). This is due to the fact that Mamdani and the DSA are specific and highly visible examples of immense, fundamental issues among the Four Opportunists’ (FO) strategy and tactics, which ultimately lead the masses – and the organizations themselves – nowhere.

Popular liberal attitudes towards Mamdani/DSA’s “new flavor” of zionism

Bourgeois reporting and western journalism has an extensive catalog of genocide denial and sentiment for the Zionist entity of israel, which of course includes liberal news outlets. Since Mamdani’s press release was strictly in video format, I’ve pulled the three most popular (most liked) comments from the videos of the press release that were posted on Youtube by USA Today, The Guardian, and the NYC Mayor’s Office:

1. USA Today:⁸
   1. Rare to see a politician who actually believes in what he says
   2. I haven’t seen something in the political news cycle that’s given me hope in humanity in so long.
   3. This is how I want my President to act. Is that too much to ask?
2. The Guardian:⁹
   1. Bro better have elite security after this
   2. About as much chance of the Federal Government arresting Netanyahu as the UK police have of arresting Alistair Campbell.
   3. I’m gonna make a prediction: On the back of this, Trump will invite Netanyahu to the US and specifically New York. Just to tick-off Mamdani and the rest of the ICC. Red carpet and all
3. NYC Mayor’s Office (See footnote 2)
   1. Bro hitting the presidential aura than the actual president
   2. Remember this guy isn’t suicidal
   3. That’s not my mayor but THATS MY MAYOR

To reiterate: Mamdani said blatantly that he’s not able to (in fact, not willing to) do genuinely anything about the ongoing genocide. And the popular reaction among the average amerikan viewer any further left than neo-Nazis is to celebrate.

These nine comments are obviously not a large sample size, and as we know, corporate algorithms dictate viewership and interaction. However, these comments generally encapsulate several of the popular “left” and liberal attitudes towards Mamdani in the U.S, and can help us attempt to categorize these left-liberal attitudes so that we can analyze them for the time being. These mainstream attitudes towards Mamdani can be categorized as follows, based on our sample:

1. Mamdani’s actions spur a resurgence of hope that has since been lacking in amerikan values and politics / a desire to return to the Time Before Trump (1A, 1B, 1C, 3A, 3C)
2. Fear for Mamdani’s safety because his statements are “too radical” / implication that the government will assassinate him (2A, 3B)
3. Pessimistic / realist conclusion that within the current system, there is no real avenue for actual change or action (2B, 2C)

Mamdani gives the amerikan liberal (Group 1) a hope that they so desperately need. Since the relations between u.s. politicians and the masses is so backwards and corrupted, Group 1 confuses empty promises with real progress.

Group 2 has no real understanding of what radical politics even consist of. The ideological depth of Mamdani’s statement is a simple surface level analysis, especially not fit for a “leading” figure of the socialist movement, let alone the Marxist left. Mamdani’s statement cannot even be described as ideologically socialist in the abstract, which would require highlighting precisely why he is structurally powerless to oppose imperialism. If Mamdani’s safety is truly at risk, this only further exposes the essence of this entire political system. How could we ever actually win within such a system?

Group 3 has recognized that moralistic yet empty gestures are not the avenue to liberation and the destruction of settler colonial violence and genocide, but there is currently no viable alternative to turn to. Those in Group 3 might theorize that while a DSA win in a big city is a good step in the right direction, more needs to be done. The issue with this line of thinking is that it neglects the fact that any action or policy, especially on such a huge scale as in NYC, that preserves capitalism or imperialism any longer is not revolutionary, and certainly not socialist.

Many in DSA (especially the so-called Marxists) see a Mamdani win as an avenue towards achieving revolutionary struggle. With a mayor promoting himself as socialist doing some things to improve day to day life, more people will ideally turn to towards the ideology and see DSA’s win(s) as popularizing the struggle. The issue is only the middle classes (labor aristocrats, Petite Bourgeoisie, Artists, Intellectuals, etc.) meaningfully benefit from these changes, which in turn means reproducing those classes as the base for “socialist” organizing. This ensures this base as counter-revolutionary so long as they get what they want — they’ll fear the end of their negative peace. (See Triumph for the zionist left by Cde. Winter¹⁰)

These three groupings (#1-3) are not stagnant nor mutually exclusive, and someone can fall into these ideological liberalisms at any time, and so it is something we must constantly combat. Surface-level, metaphysical analysis of current historical circumstances is extremely common among those of us educated by white supremacist liberal institutions in the u.s., and learning to think and act dialectically is a skill that must be practiced. In their article, “Electoralism is the New Opportunism”, author Proletarian Polemics states that rather than a personal or moral failing, even the most well-meaning comrades can fall into reformist errors, and on a large scale this tactic irreparably damages progressive societal movement as a whole:

The opportunist is most dangerous because they appear as dedicated, loyal comrades, and it isn’t their loyalty that we call into question! It is their inconsistent, short-sighted, and unprincipled strategies that sacrifice the long-term project of proletarian revolution by getting lost in reacting to the current moment. While no serious communist would argue against responding to the changing political tide, by Lenin’s own standards this responsiveness is opportunistic if it isn’t grounded in a consistent long-term strategy and vision.

The damage this produces is often irreversible, once the opportunists have unconsciously guided the party toward short-sighted small wins and reforms, Lenin tells us, it is likely impossible to correct course. Those who would be most likely to aid in the change of course have either left, been worn down, or been gradually shaped by the new revisionist norms.¹¹

DSA tendencies and logical fallacies

When DSA candidates’ catchy slogans inevitably fall short, electoralists breach into the room and say, “Those were campaign pledges, not promises!” They suggest that if their electeds fail on implementing “socialist” policies, it’s because both Democrats and Republicans stand in their way, and is further indicative of the issue that the two party system is corrupt. However, if this is the ideological line of a party or an individual, why participate in elections at all? The solution of the DSA is to apply band-aid solutions to problems without taking into context the material conditions and contradictions surrounding it. This is, in essence, utopian socialism at best, and national socialism at worst. Without addressing many issues including the historical progression of society, class relations, or particularly in the u.s., the land question, this strategy is doomed to failure.

It is somewhat understandable, on a surface level, for an individual or an organization to look at a problem, for example, high cost of living, and think: “Why don’t we make the employers pay their employees more?” or, “Why don’t we just put caps on rent prices?” These “solutions” are misled at best and outright counter-revolutionary and enable fascism at worst. Rent caps and wage increases are surface level solutions demonstrative of the exact trend of “trade union consciousness” that emerges in every acute period of capitalist struggle: these are the sense perceptions, the first impressions of a class that has not yet taught itself to see critically.¹² Most importantly, these solutions ignore the most essential contradictions inherent in u.s. society, particularly that of settler-colonialism.

It is always the most colonized, the most oppressed, who bear the brunt of u.s. imperialism. In this, the DSA’s golden boy has found the perfect solution for a demonstrably counter-revolutionary organization: drop all pretense of materially “standing in solidarity” with Palestine, with just enough “controversial” “leftist” buzzwords for the satisfied liberals to keep cheering. Then, when our money continues to fund the murder of entire family lineages, we can feel a little better about it, because, well, we tried. This is quintessential liberalism. The intersection of DSA and u.s. imperialism in this instance shines a light on glaring issues among the u.s. “left” and it is important that we inspect this image very thoroughly. Palestinian liberation is one of the single most important litmus tests for any Marxist.

The last several years have been one blatant mockery of the so-called rule of law after the other, at home by the right-fascists in Washington, and abroad by the genocide. DSA’s poster child somehow does not have the same powers to break and make their own laws to make actual change. Why is this so? We see almost every other politician doing this. Yet Mamdani and the DSA choose to “go high” in terms of rule-following when it means not resisting the genocidaires who go so far low as to scrape the basement floor of Hell. They choose to act within the bounds of the settler order, while politicians across the country break laws to hunt down immigrants, indigenous peoples, the nationally oppressed, and trans people – all so that they can get another win a few states over and do the same thing all over again: more spoils for the first world.

Even if Mamdani is able to follow through on his other campaign promises such as free bus fare, free childcare, and rent freezes (no mention of defunding or restricting the NYPD by the way – quite the contrary), it would not lead to a revolutionary movement, as there is no revolutionary theory tied to the DSA’s political demands. This is communicated quite succinctly by Lenin, who understood that spontaneous action is not enough:

“[Spontaneous revolts and strikes in Russia in the 1890s] show that the “spontaneous element”, in essence, represents nothing more nor less than consciousness in an embryonic form. Even the primitive revolts expressed the awakening of consciousness to a certain extent. The workers were losing their age-long faith in the permanence of the system which oppressed them and began… I shall not say to understand, but to sense the necessity for collective resistance, definitely abandoning their slavish submission to the authorities. But this was, nevertheless, more in the nature of outbursts of desperation and vengeance than of struggle.”¹³

DSA’s strategy is not, nor will it ever be, paired with the genuine study, understanding, and comprehension of the underlying principles and concepts that drive revolution. “Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.”¹⁴

When DSA members finds out their candidate can’t send Hitler 2 to the Hague, they are not heartbroken – on the contrary, they are filled with ecstatic hope and joy. They can’t be bothered with the fact that there will be no reprieve for families in Gaza and the West Bank. Those in Group 1 will applaud the release of hot air because it’s the same rhetoric as their own; rather than shaken from the dream, it’s clear now more than ever that this is their representative. Those in Group 2 will project their conspiratorial “awareness” that if Mamdani keeps this up, the powers that be will destroy him, as they use the victims of empire’s ruthlessness as camouflage for their own cowardice. They can both feel good about things now, now that nothing has been done, the right words were said by the right guy, and now everything’s going to be OK. This was a tiny win and maybe in four more years we might get another.

Left-wing zionism

This tendency of ideological underdevelopment leads to many “leftist” types ultimately holding a political analysis which masks itself as progressivism, but is in fact zionism. Left-wing zionism, or feel-good zionism, is propelled by moral reasoning only, not material solutions. As a result, these zionists have general contempt for most capital-D Democratic politicians, especially those who accept money from AIPAC, and are vehemently “pro-Palestine,” even owning symbols to mark themselves like flags, keffiyehs, and buttons. They know that “the system is corrupt,” and they have read or maybe even written articles, papers, or even entire books on how laws outset and perpetuate inequity and how societal systems keep the poor and colonized sick and miserable. Yet they still can’t see that the entire thing needs to be done away with.

Being “Pro-Palestine” has unfortunately become almost meaningless, and even worse, it is being conflated with anti-zionism. We must be very clear: these two things are not the same. Feeling empathy and sorrow for a population being genocided is a natural and moral reaction, AND as Marxists we know that morality alone will not bring one to correct ideas or solutions. Correct ideas arise through struggle and material historical analysis. Rinse and repeat. The moral, sentimental stance toward israel and Palestine is of indignant fury for such atrocious violence. However, this will not change the situation in Palestine. The struggle in Palestine, that of a settler-colonized land and people, is resolved by violent resistance and overthrow of the Zionist entity and its rabid army. That is why anti-Zionism has emerged as the ideology and practice in which the Palestinians achieve liberation. Palestinians fighting for their own liberation don’t hold rallies or leave voicemails for their elected representatives. They build weapons and underground bunkers; they name their children after their martyrs; they give their family members the gun. They study the enemy in order to destroy them. They tactfully analyze the political situation and are unwavering in who their enemies and who their allies are.

Feel-good Zionism wants a peaceful resolution to one of the largest acts of violence history has seen. This also means that when the amerikan left-wing zionists get a little bit more treats waved in their face, they are thrilled to watch the state do absolutely nothing to materially change the conditions for the Palestinian people. They have their cool mayor who watches the Knicks with them and froze their rent for a year. We get to keep more of our imperial spoils, isn’t that great? Who cares what we are doing abroad, because we are making things right at home. That’s what amerika is all about.

Conclusion: kill the zionist in your head

As demonstrated, extreme miseducation among almost all populations of the u.s., particularly as a result of settler schools (primary and secondary) leads to a general deficit in intellectual capacity to understand politics, history, and particularly dialectics. It sadly remains true that the u.s. left has a real problem: most of them fail to recognize that they are in fact zionists, this is not a rare occurrence, but the default amongst the swath of described “leftists”. It is imperative that any individual or organization that claims or strives to be scientific, decolonial, socialist, and materialist not fall into this trap. It is the easy and intellectually lazy solution to see the shallow routine of the Mamdani administration and paint this as genuine wins for the Left, let alone for colonized and oppressed populations worldwide. Settlers of all stripes have a vested interest in maintaining these systems, even if it “sickens” them. They can say that israel is wrong in its actions, but to struggle against it would require that they also struggle against themselves.

Anti-zionism, real anti-zionism, makes or breaks your ideology. There are no half measures. You support the Palestinian resistance or you are not a part of the movement. As amerikans, the decolonial question is of utmost importance, here and abroad. The single most important thing you can do for Palestinians aside from giving direct funds when you are able is to support the Axis of Resistance and do your part – meaning everything you possibly can – to bring the empire to its knees. As demonstrated by their decades of inaction and meaningless “wins,” it is clear that the Four Opportunist parties will not bring us there.

Endnotes

1. Campbell, Lucy. 2026. “‘He’s a War Criminal’: Mamdani Exploring Whether He Can Arrest Netanyahu If He Visits New York.” The Guardian, The Guardian, July 19. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/jul/19/mamdani-netanyahu. ︎
2. NYC Mayor’s Office. 2026. Benjamin Netanyahu Is a War Criminal. YouTube. Video. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ZuV5L0QL04. ︎
3. Bauman, Ali, and Christina Fan. 2026. “More Than 100 Arrests at NYC Demonstrations as Netanyahu Appeared at U.N. General Assembly.” CBS News, CBS New York, September 24. https://www.cbsnews.com/newyork/news/protests-nyc-benjamin-netanyahu-israel-united-nations-speech/. ︎
4. Jacobson, Roni. 2026. “NYC Braces for Multiple Daily Protests as World Leaders Arrive for UN General Assembly.” New York Daily News, September 17. https://www.nydailynews.com/2026/09/17/nyc-braces-for-multiple-daily-protests-as-world-leaders-arrive-for-un-general-assembly/. ︎
5. Mamdani, Mayor Zohran Kwame. 2026. “The Talmud Teaches That Anyone Who Sustains One Soul, Has Sustained an Entire World. For Generations, Jewish New Yorkers Have.” X, September 29. Post. https://x.com/NYCMayor/status/2104949847421796398. ︎
6. Office of The Mayor of New York City. 2026. Tackling Hate: The Mamdani Administration’s Strategy to Combat Antisemitism. https://www.nyc.gov/content/dam/nycgov/mayors-office/downloads/pdf/press-releases/2026/2026-09-25-moca-report-interactive-5.pdf. ︎
7. New York City Police Department (NYPD). 2026. “Power BI Report.” Powerbigov.Us. https://app.powerbigov.us/view?r=eyJrIjoiNTAwY2MzZWUtZTFjMy00YjQ3LTk1YWEtZGE0MDhkN2UzYTRhIiwidCI6IjJiOWY1N2ViLTc4ZDEtNDZmYi1iZTgzLWEyYWZkZDdjNjA0MyJ9. ︎
8. USA TODAY. 2026. Mamdani Calls Netanyahu a “War Criminal and Architect of Horrific Genocide” in Palestine. YouTube. Video. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ip_zLWJLbxk. ︎
9. Guardian News. 2026. Mamdani Urges US Government to Arrest Netanyahu If He Visits US. YouTube. Video. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N6UiRNi8-6k. ︎
10. Cde. Winter, 2025. “Triumph for the Zionist Left – The Red Clarion.” Unity-Struggle-Unity.Org. 2019. https://clarion.unity-struggle-unity.org/2025-12-17-triumph-for-the-zionist-left/ ︎
11. Proletarian Polemics. 2019. “Electoralism Is the New Opportunism – the Red Clarion.” Unity-Struggle-Unity.Org, Unity Struggle Unity Press. https://clarion.unity-struggle-unity.org/2026-7-8-electoralism-is-the-new-opportunism/. ︎
12. Vladimir Ilyich, Lenin. 1902. “Lenin: What Is to Be Done?” www.Marxists.Org, March. https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/witbd/ii.htm ︎
13. Ibid. ︎
14. Ibid. ︎

“A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.”¹

Introductory Note

Before I begin, I would like to be transparent in sharing that this piece is largely reflective of my own experiences and observations of myself and others. Only in the past year (after more than four years of actively organizing and calling myself a Marxist) have I built up the courage and ability to truly notice, and more importantly rectify, my own liberal hobbyist tendencies. I want to encourage others who see themselves in this piece to do the same. Such rectification has come about not through metaphysical, undefined markers such as time or age, but as a result of intentional rigorous political education, reflection, struggle, and discomfort. The most important part is that I have not done any of these things alone. My beloved partner and comrades have helped me learn and grow in ways that I never thought were possible. So, to get things started, I wanted to thank my comrades in CCAP and the AEWL for their continued guidance and wisdom, not only generally but also with helping in the development of this piece. I never thought I would be able to actually write anything, but you allowed me to believe in myself. You all genuinely give me life and every action I take is inspired by you. In this horrid and dying place, in the face of true evils and insurmountable odds, if we have each other and are armed with the scientific application of Marxism, I am certain that we can win.

Secondly, as I will elaborate further in this piece, hobbyist tendencies stem from unchecked, individualist selfishness (a form of liberalism) which runs rampant among the west, particularly among the white settler amerikan left. To this point, in this article I will use “we” to refer to white leftist amerikan settlers, particularly those of the privileged petit-bourgeois or “petit-actionnaire” class. I am directing this piece mostly towards my peers in this similar class position. For further reading on the petit-actionnaire class, I highly recommend Morgan Phos’s article titled the“The Middle Class is Not a Myth“. In it, Phos lists one of the defining factors of this class as a unique phenomenon existing between the traditional definition of both proletariat and petit-bourgeois classes. People who “receiv[e] a lessened [but still significant] share of the imperial pie” but are still “enriched during the financial market’s upswings” through investments such as savings/interest accounts, small enterprises, ownership of land/property, and university education.²

On Hobbyism

Many settlers not only benefit, but also participate — whether actively or passively, willingly or unwillingly— in the genocide and suffocation of the Global South. Thus it is plain to see that our current “leftist” movement is filled with unprincipled organizations and individuals consisting of opportunists, misogynists, influencers, sellouts, spineless electoral candidates, u.s. “patriots,” and as we will get to, hobbyists. As frustrating as this is, it is to be expected of a nation that has been so ideologically stunted as theorized by Walter Rodney in How Europe Underdeveloped Africa:

“If underdevelopment were related to anything other than comparing economies, the most underdeveloped country in the world would be the United States, which practices external oppression on a massive scale, while internally there is a blend of exploitation, brutality, and psychiatric disorder.“³

Amerikan settlers suffer from a horrible and fatal case of liberalism and racist narcissism, while also living in the most powerful country on the planet with enough resources to suck the life out of everything that exists. We are genuinely raised to believe — and in many cases fully DO believe — that the u.s. has pretty much always existed and always will, and not only that, but also that it is the greatest place on Earth to live, and those other slummy countries can only wish that they had it as good as us. When this evil narcissism and oblivious selective memory is combined with actual world power and multiplied across the minds of millions of people in a single nation, it is no wonder that even our “socialists” consistently miss the mark and fall into the traps of hobbyism.

Hobbyism, or “the hobbyists”, are those individuals or even entire organizations who simply treat Marxism and Communist organizing as a hobby, rather than their life’s work or purpose. This is a grave error plaguing our movement today.

By definition, a hobby is an activity that an individual does in their free time. Even here in this definition, we see western mind-bending at play. The concept of “free time” implies that there is a separate portion of your time, in some instances even a majority of your time, which is not free, i.e. your “work time.”

Since many Communists are forced to work wage-labor jobs to survive, it is true that organizing is something that they do during their “free time” (outside of work time). However, this results in many organizers wrongly conflating their free time enjoyment activities with the work they do as an organizer. Doing one activity or another in your free time does not make that activity a hobby; the distinction lies in your prioritization of different free time tasks or activities. It is still important to make time for hobbies and interests, as they are vital to our own individual well-being, and thus allows us to have the capacity to do important organizing work. But rather than being viewed as an enjoyable, feel-good activity (i.e. a hobby), revolutionary organizing must be prioritized on the same plane as that of your own survival, and the survival of your family and community.

As stated above, hobbyism is a form of liberalism. It is easy to identify the liberals engaging in hobbyism, as that is essentially what liberal “activism” is. They use their artistic abilities to make quirky, funny protest signs, knit/crochet pussy hats (or its newest iteration, “melt the ICE” hats), or design Instagram infographics with milquetoast messaging. As Communists, we are quick to notice in what ways we are more dedicated and serious in our goals than the liberals. However, in leftist or Marxist circles,there are often individuals who conflate their hobbies and their activism, i.e., they see them as one and the same and do not see a need to separate them.

Mao writes in Combat Liberalism:

“Liberalism stems from petty-bourgeois selfishness, it places personal interests first and the interests of the revolution second,and this gives rise to ideological, political, and organizational liberalism.”⁴

Hobbyism stems from a similar class-urge as careerism and is its dialectical opposite. The careerist seeks to resolve this contradiction (limited supply of time and responsibilities) by turning their organizing work into a full-time job, and thus descends to opportunism to ensure they can make a buck. The hobbyist attempts resolve it by making organizing into “play time,” often to absolve guilt or ease one’s worries about capitalism and their role in it. Hobbyists see Communism as something to do on the weekends, a cool aesthetic/personality trait, or a way to gain social media followers. I really encourage the reader here to identify any ways that they have noticed this tendency in themselves. It’s important to realize that the hobbyist is ultimately a liberal who is fine with the continuation of global suffering and will just hold rallies ad infinitum, run their candidates, and stockpile all of their funds until the very end. Flashy Communist aesthetics are often diametrically opposed to real, risky organizing. The hobbyist is loud and blatant to assure themselves of their dedication; the true Communist is not, to prevent the eyes of the state from falling upon them. Is this who you want to be? At what point will or won’t you give up on everything that is worth fighting for? It is time to be serious.

I would like to clarify here that I am not arguing that hobbies are useless or a waste of time. Quite the contrary! We still need interests outside of Communism, we still need hobbies. We cannot transform into warrior-monks and deny our human needs for mental breathing room. Creative outlets are imperative to our well-being, especially as the world around us crumbles. However, hobbies should be treated as assets for, and secondary to the movement for revolution, decolonization, and socialism.

Additionally, there is a difference between using your skills for the movement and treating organizing like a hobby. If you make music, host a benefit show to fund revolutionary activities or mutual aid; if you enjoy writing D&D campaigns, practice polemic and agitprop writing; if you’re good at drawing or knitting, commission your pieces to fund actual revolutionary organizations; if you’re into exercise or body-building, teach your comrades how to fight and defend themselves. All of these examples are important for the movement, but they are not the end all be all of organizing. The real work starts with rigorous study, struggle, and party building — eventually leading to tangible action to bring down the state apparatus.

Rachel Corrie, an amerikan settler who dedicated her life to the anti-zionist movement on the ground in Palestine, puts this in perspective for us as well. In a letter she wrote to her mother, just three weeks before being martyred by the iof in 2003, she writes:

“This has to stop. I think it is a good idea for us all to drop everything and devote our lives to making this stop. I don’t think it’s an extremist thing to do anymore.I still really want to dance around to Pat Benatar and have boyfriends and make comics for my coworkers. But I also want this to stop.“⁵

If you say you want a better world, yes, your hobbies and interests, things you find joy in, are extremely important to make time for — and — none of them are more important or worthy of your time than doing whatever you can to bring the murderous u.s. empire to its knees. This is especially true for the white settler Communist. What the movement needs now is dedicated individuals and organizations who are willing to make the struggle for decolonization, world liberation, and socialism, their life’s work. This means risking it all. This means giving up your life, or the one you thought you knew.

“Risking it all” in this current moment does not equate to going out and committing reckless acts of terrorism that gets you or your comrades killed. In fact, as a revolutionary, at this moment in time, your death or incarceration would hinder the movement and your comrades significantly. Even martyrs who have died for the cause, whether by their own hand or not (to name a few: Aaron Bushnell, Rachel Corrie, and Tortuguita, may they rest in peace) arguably have not furthered the movement in a meaningful way, as we still exist under an incredibly oppressive fascist state apparatus. However, this does not mean that their deaths, along with all other revolutionary martyrs around the world, are in vain or will not be avenged.

“Giving up your life” in this context means that any way possible given your unique situation, you dedicate yourself to the movement. You practice criticism and self criticism constantly. You read, write, learn, and struggle. You go where work is needed, you make time. The hobbyist talks about “hating capitalism” and “revolution” but is still mainly focused in building their lives and careers as individuals. They are primarily concerned with their comfortable lives with their careers, precious savings, superwages with annual raises, and their 401(k)s. Even if they in theory disagree with the origins of settler ideals such as nuclear family goals and property ownership, a vast majority of left leaning individuals aspire towards these goals in the imperial core.

I know this to be true because this was me. The petit actionnaire class exists in such droves because the pull to conform, the benefits — however slim they really are — are intoxicating and convincing. One of the most fundamental (and suffocating) tenets of whiteness and settler ideology is to succumb to the urge to look away. Only by staring into the most stained parts of myself was I able to wake up to reality and begin to confront my errors. Every “leftist” in amerika who considers themselves a revolutionary must constantly combat these hobbyist and opportunist tendencies, because none of us are immune to it. We must face the uncomfortable reality that the world we know is dying, if not already dead. You must truly and genuinely ask yourself: do you really want a revolution? Do you really want a war? Are you willing to sacrifice, whatever it takes? Answer quickly, because we are out of time. As George Jackson states in Blood in my Eye:

“Settle your quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation, understand that fascism is already here, that people are already dying who could be saved, that generations more will live poor butchered half-lives if you fail to act. Do what must be done, discover your humanity and your love in revolution.”⁶

What do you have to lose? Come to terms with losing it. Stare into the gaping, black hole inside of this world and inside of yourself, soaked black with the blood of millions. You will want to look away, and it is important that you do not. This is the solution to the “privilege” question that is often mentioned in progressive circles. You must not only get used to discomfort but actively seek it. You will not have time for the things you wanted. You will not hoard any wealth you might have access to. You will not save for “retirement” in 30-40 years. You may have hobbies and interests, but ultimately the skills that you have should be used towards the cause of socialism. If you’d rather look away, and stay in your safe and oblivious bubble, admit this to yourself and leave the revolutionary circles. You aren’t welcome here.

If you are caught in the middle, recognizing the reactionary and hobbyist tendencies within yourself but wanting to overcome them, I encourage you to be honest and open with yourself and your comrades about this. We all have fear, we all have hesitations and drawbacks. But you must not retreat. Again, choose your fate and choose now.

It is not a recommendation, but a requirement, that as Communists, we must still find joy and pleasures in those things that are inherent to us being humans on Earth. Take care of yourself, because your comrades and the movement need you. Take time for your interests, your lovers, your children, your comrades; but your dedication, your purpose, in the end, is towards a better world, and towards the destruction of the united states and towards a new world order. You can work for a better world, not separate from, but for and in conjunction with your community, your lovers, children, and comrades. We must constantly remember Huey’s words:

“Revolutionary suicide does not mean that i and my comrades have a death wish; it means just the opposite. We have such a strong desire to live with hope and human dignity that existence without them is impossible. When reactionary forces crush us, we must move against these forces, even at the risk of death. We will have to be driven out with a stick.”⁷

1. Mao, Zedong. Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung. Vol. 1. Pei-Ching I.E. Peking, [Foreign Languages Press] ; Oxford, 1978, Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan. ︎
2. Phos, Morgan. “The Middle Class Is Not a Myth.” The Middle Class Is Not a Myth – by Morgan Phos, The Red Compass, 20 May 2023 ︎
3. Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. 1972. London, Verso, 1972, pp. 16-17. ︎
4. Mao, Zedong. Combat Liberalism. Peking, Foreign Languages Press, 1967. ︎
5. Rachel’s Writing and Emails from Palestine | the Rachel Corrie Foundation for Peace and Justice. 29 Aug.
   ; 2007, rachelcorriefoundation.org/rachel/emails. ︎
6. Jackson, George. Blood in My Eye. 1972. Great Britain, Penguin Books, 1975, pp. 15–16. ︎
7. Newton, Huey P. Revolutionary Suicide. 1973. London, Penguin Books, 2009, p. 3. ︎